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By Hannes Mosler, professor of Korean politics and society at the University of Duisburg-Essen

Among democratic nations, South Korea has been experiencing an unprecedented acceleration in the polarization of votingbehavior by gender. This phenomenon is called the “modern gender gap”: the systematic divergence in political preferences between men and women. 

In Korea, this disparity came into sharp focus around 2020, particularly among young people in their 20s and early 30s. In the 2025 Korean presidential election, 74.1% of male voters aged 18-29 cast their ballots for the candidates in the conservative camp (Kim Moon-soo and Lee Jun-seok), while only 35.8% of women in the same age group voted for these candidates. Conversely, while 58.1% of young women voted for Democratic Party candidate Lee Jae Myung, only 24.0% of young men did so. 

Signs of this gender gap had already appeared in the 2020 general election and the 2022 presidential election, but between 2020 and 2025, the disparity exploded to extreme levels both domestically and internationally.

Such polarization entrenches gender as a core political identity and undermines democracy’s foundations. Young women tend to approach politics as a matter of securing safety and equality, while a significant number of young men emphasize meritocracy and individual responsibility, perceiving equality-advancing policies as unfair. 

As political perceptions diverge along gender lines, foundations built on compromise and mutual acceptance crumble, transforming democracy into a zero-sum competition. Far-right forces, in particular, deliberately amplify modern gender gaps to consolidate their support base. Consequently, democracy risks becoming a fragile system supported or challenged depending on one’s gender.

However, this is not solely a Korean issue. Even in Germany, with its strong welfare state, tradition of consensus democracy, and long history of gender equality policies, the modern gender gap has significantly widened in recent years.

In the 2025 German federal election, 35% of women under 25 chose the democratic socialist party Die Linke, also known as the Left Party, while only 16% of men in the same age group did so. Conversely, 27% of young men supported the right-wing populist Alternative for Germany, in contrast to only 15% of young women. This too is one of the most extreme gender gaps in history. It demonstrates that even institutionally stable democracies are not immune to such polarization.

There are common causes for this phenomenon in both countries. Level of education is a key variable. Today, young women on average attain higher levels of education than young men and tend to favor progressive parties more strongly. 

The Tocqueville effect also plays a role here. Objectively, gender inequality has been alleviated compared to the past, yet young women perceive the remaining disparities more acutely. On the other hand, many young men feel they have become structurally disadvantaged. 

Add to this the context of the digital public sphere which amplifies these perceptual differences. In the often gender-segregated discussions that are taking place, discontent and frustration are easily reinforced. An unstable labor market, precarious future prospects, and soaring housing costs also fuel the temptation to seek simplistic political explanations.

In addition to these factors, Korea has unique elements that make gender disparities even more explosive. The burden of mandatory military service is distributed unequally in practice, yet it has not been addressed constructively in politics. A strong presidential system, a majority-representation electoral system, and a party cartel structure push conflicts into a friend-or-foe dynamic, intensifying confrontation rather than fostering negotiation. Moreover, the absence of a welfare state system that offers young people sufficient protections means young people must face material insecurity head-on. Consequently, social issues are transformed into cultural and gender conflicts.

The modern gender gap is not a temporary phenomenon. It is a structural threat to democratic legitimacy. Korea now stands at a crossroads. Will this conflict solidify into a permanent political front, or can it be politically addressed before it becomes more deeply entrenched?

Please direct questions or comments to [english@hani.co.kr]