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By Son Won-je and Kwon Hyuk-chul, Staff writers

The most noteworthy event to take place during the third congress of North Korea’s ruling Workers Party of Korea (WPK) was the ascendancy of Kim Jong-un, Kim Jong-il’s third son, to the vice chairmanship of the party’s Central Military Commission. The Central Military Commission is chaired by Kim Jong-il, and had a new vice-chairmanship position created practically for Kim Jong-un. The younger Kim is vice chairman along with Ri Yong-ho, chief of the General Staff of the Korean People’s Army(KPA), but Kim’s name was called before his. It is clear Kim has become the No. 2 man in the commission behind his father.

Kim Jong-un was named vice-chairman of the Central Military Commission just after being named a four-star general in the KPA. Analysts have said this shows that Kim Jong-un’s succession will follow the order of first obtaining control of the military through the party and then using the military to take general power.

Article 27 of the WPK constitution, amended in 1980, reads that the party‘s Central Military Commission organizes and guides projects regarding the strengthening of North Korea’s armed forces, including the KPA, and military industries, and commands the North Korean military.

Since Kim Jong-il was named chairman of the National Defense Commission, it has seen its influence wane, but with Kim Jong-un being named vice-chairman, some observe that it could play the role of “command tower” for Kim Jong-un’s succession through control of the military.

In fact, with the latest reshuffle, the WPK Central Military Commission has assumed a new identity, with three of the previous six members being dropped and 16 new members named. The new commission includes top leaders in North Korea’s military and public security sectors. They include Defense Minister Kim Yong-chun, Kim Jong-gak, First Vice Director of the General Political Bureau of the KPA, Ju Kyu-chang, member of the National Defense Commission, Jang Song-thaek, first director of the party’s Military Industry Department, U Dong-chuk, Senior Deputy of the State Security Department and Kim Kyong-ok, First Vice Director of the WPK’s Organization Guidance Department.

“The reshuffle seemed to be intended to gain control of the military through this body and secure a stable base for the succession,” said Jang Yong-seok, director of the Institute for Peace Affairs. “The revision during the meeting of the party constitution to boost the role of party organizations within the military is also believed to be in the same vein as well.”

The fact that Kim Jong-un has begun to take control of the military through the WPK’s Central Military Commission rather than the National Defense Commission is believed to be intended to bring together the military and, just as importantly, the party organization as bases of authority in the succession. This indicates Kim Jong-un, while continuing his father’s keynote of Songun, military first, would expand his own control base by boosting the prestige and role of the party.

During this meeting of party representatives, the party’s Central Committee, Politburo and Secretariat, were rendered titular due to continued vacancies since the WPK’s sixth convention in 1980. The disappearance of National Defense Commission Vice Chairman O Kuk-ryol from the list of top party positions leads some to believe that some military elders on the National Defense Commission who opposed the rapid rise of Kim Jong-un have been weeded out during the meeting of party representatives.

However, Kim Jong-un was not given any other party title besides the vice chairmanship of the Central Military Commission and a spot on the WPK’s Central Committee. The has led to speculation that Kim Jong-un would, for the time being, focus on controlling the military through the Central Military Commission. At the same time, the party would be managed through WPK’s Light Industry Department chief Kim Kyong-hui and party administrative chief Jang Song-thaek, made a member of the Politburo and a candidate for the politburo, respectively, as well as through party secretary Choe Ryong-hae.

Cheong Seong-chang of the Sejong Institute said that because Ri Yong-ho, who is lower in the Central Military Commission than Kim Jong-un, became a member of the Politburo’s presidium, Kim Jong-un must also be seen as having the authority corresponding to a Politburo presidium member.

Experts believe Ri, who rose quickly as a powerful member of the military leadership, will be given a key role in the process of Kim Jong-un taking control of the military. Ri was promoted from four-star general to vice marshal, and made a Politburo presidium member and, along with Kim Jong-un, a vice chairman of the WPK Central Military Commission. He also debated as the representative of the military’s party organization in this meeting of party representatives.

Meanwhile, Ri, known as North Korea’s leading artillery expert, commanded military parades celebrating the foundation of the North Korean military in 2002 and 2007, and also served as the commander of the defenses around Pyongyang. Last year, he was made chief of the General Staff, with command over the entire North Korean military. Kim Yong-chun, the minister of North Korea’s armed forces, retained his position in Politburo, but most observers believe the authority to mobilize military personnel, if the need arises, is with Ri.

A source familiar with North Korea said when you look at the results of the leadership reshuffle, Ri, unlike those named to honorary positions, rose to the top of North Korea’s military leadership in both name and reality. He said it seemed Ri had been tasked with the special mission of strengthening Kim Jong-un’s command over the military.

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