hankyoreh

staff photographer)

When Lee Wan-koo was nominated to become South Korean prime minister on Jan. 23, the choice received the unprecedented endorsement of both the ruling Saenuri Party (NFP) and the opposition New Politics Alliance for Democracy (NPAD). But now, the tables have turned, with many doubting whether Lee will be able to clear the confirmation hearing at the National Assembly which is scheduled to take place on Feb. 10 and 11.

Early in the confirmation process, Lee was dubbed the human vending machine for spitting out whatever materials were required, some dating back to 40 or 50 years ago. Later, though, allegations began to pile up about real estate speculation and about him and his second son dodging their mandatory military service. Then the recent release of an audio recording in which Lee brags about forcing newspapers to rein in their reporting and wielding influence on their personnel decisions has placed his nomination in serious danger.

The accusations that Lee is facing are greater in number and more serious than the accusations brought before all of the six nominees rejected in the past, even put together. This is why the NPAD is criticizing Lee as not being qualified to be prime minister, and why the Saenuri Party is keeping a nervous eye on public opinion.

It’s not even easy to list all the allegations that have been brought against Lee so far. There are allegations about land speculation in the Daejang neighborhood of Bundang, Gyeonggi Province, owned by his second son; allegations about real estate speculation in Seoul’s Gangnam district, including buying the rights to a unit at Tower Palace; allegations about avoiding mandatory military service, since Lee only did reservist duty and his second son was exempted altogether; allegations about nepotism when he was hired as an adjunct professor at Kyonggi University, since his brother-in-law was in charge of hiring professors; allegations about plagiarism in papers Lee submitted for his Master’s degree and doctorate; allegations about receiving an absurdly high honorarium to give a lecture at Woosong University; and allegations about his activities with the National Security Emergency Measures Committee and his involvement with the Samcheong Education Brigade under the military dictatorship of Chun Doo-hwan.

More accusations were made on Feb. 8. Lee’s second son, who was receiving a huge salary as a lawyer at a foreign law firm, was apparently getting a free ride in the national health insurance program by being registered as one of Lee’s dependents, and Lee allegedly made the false claim that he had lectured at the University of Suwon while running for the National Assembly in 1996. Most shocking of all, though, is how Lee viewed the media during his time on the National Security Emergency Measures Committee, which came to light through the release of the audio recording.

After the first media reports came out about allegations that Lee had speculated in real estate that his second son owns in the Daejang neighborhood of Bundang, Lee met with reporters on Feb. 27 for a luncheon.

“When I called a manager at a cable channel and said, hey, you better shut that panel down and make it snappy, he said, I’ve just made a note about it. And then they shut it down,” Lee said during the luncheon.

“I may not talk about it, but I’ve got connections with all of your bosses. I’ll talk to the desk editor or the bureau chief and tell them not to hire this guy or that guy. They’ll never know what hit them, or why,” he continued.

In short, Lee was bragging to the young reporters assigned to the office of the Prime Minister nominee in the Tongui neighborhood of Seoul about how he influences media reports and personnel decisions.

Never before has a nominee for government minister or prime minister ever expressed such a repressive and disturbing view of the press.

Since confirmation hearings were instituted in 2000, six nominees for prime minister have failed in their bids, but compared to Lee one almost feels sorry for them.

During the administration of Kim Dae-jung (1998-2003), Jang Sang, former president of Ewha Womans University, failed to gain the approval of the National Assembly because of allegations about a fake residence for purposes of real estate speculation, and her son‘s dual citizenship.

Jang Dae-hwan, chair of the Maeil Business Newspaper, also failed to make the cut because of similar allegations. He was accused of reporting a fake residence for purposes of real estate speculation.

Under the presidency of Lee Myung-bak (2008-2013), lawmaker Kim Tae-ho stepped down in the middle of his confirmation hearing when it came to light that he had lied about meeting Park Yeon-cha, former chair of Taekwang Industries.

The first nominee for prime minister under current president Park Geun-hye, Kim Yong-jun, former Constitutional Court president, gave up his bid before the hearing began because of allegations about real estate speculation and his children being exempted from military service.

After that, former Supreme Court justice Ahn Dae-hee and former Joongang Ilbo editor Moon Chang-geuk both had to resign before even making it to the hearing: Ahn was accused of raking in huge fees as a lawyer, and Moon of having made pro-Japanese remarks.

But compare this to Lee: in addition to real estate speculation, dodging military service, academic plagiarism, nepotistic hiring practices, and skipping out on national health insurance payments, he is being accused of putting pressure on the media.

Lee’s response to these allegations has been out of touch with public sentiment as well.

For average South Koreans, allegations about speculation in Gangnam and Bundang underline their distance from these public figures, whose success places them in a league of their own. But Lee just waved around some contracts and insisted that there were no legal problems with the transactions. He has remained tight-lipped about the other allegations that have been raised since then.

Lee has also taken a hard-nosed approach to countering charges that he and his second son weaseled their way out of their mandatory military service, releasing X-rays from the past and allowing his son be examined publicly. Furthermore, Lee‘s attitude toward the press has already shown that he is unqualified to be a prime minister that can facilitate communication as everyone is hoping for.

During a press conference on Feb. 8, NPAD lawmakers who will participate in Lee’s confirmation hearing said that Lee is “no longer qualified” to be prime minister. They urged Lee to come clean about all the times he has manipulated the press and to step down.

While Saenuri Party lawmakers shot back that these allegations should be addressed during the hearing, privately they are very worried.

“No one could pass a hearing with this much stacked against them,” said one Saenuri Party lawmaker, on condition of anonymity.

“Lee is less qualified than any other nominee in the past. In all honesty, he’s doomed to fail,” said another member of the party.

But the party finds itself in a dilemma because of concerns that if Lee’s nomination collapses - just like Kim Yong-jun, Ahn Dae-hee, and Moon Chang-geuk - it will mean the effective end of Park Geun-hye as president, considering her approval rating has already plummeted to the 20% range.

Some Saenuri Party members are reluctantly concluding that Lee’s boast about his “secret stash” of evidence that he had been gathering since the previous year to prepare for his bid for prime minister was just a smokescreen to conceal his flaws.

We put the question to respected members of society.

“In a developed country, Lee’s chances to become prime minister would already be shot, and he would have to step down as lawmaker as well,” said Lee Sang-don, professor emeritus at Chung-Ang University, responding to a question concerning Lee‘s remarks about intimidating the press.

“Lee needs to decide for himself whether it will help the Park administration if he makes it past the hearing, and what would be the most beneficial choice for the government,” said In Myeong-jin, a pastor.

Even if Lee survives the confirmation hearing, most politicians think that his reputation has been too damaged for him to either take on real responsibility, or facilitate genuine communication, as prime minister.

By Lee Seong-joon and Kim Oi-hyun, staff reporters

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